Domestic Violence

Descriptions

What kind of violence are we talking about?
Who is affected?
What are the dynamics?

Abstract

Domestic violence can be defined as systemic violence in a relationship used to gain and keep control and power over another person. It is not a one-time event and can include physical, sexual, emotional, psychological, and technical or financial abuse. The term gender-based violence marks that this abuse is not caused by the personality and behavior of the individual involved but is rooted in society. The prevalence of domestic violence highlights its global impact, with significant variation across regions and communities. Women, non-binary individuals, and marginalized groups, including those with disabilities, are disproportionately affected. Intersectional factors like race, socioeconomic status, and systemic inequalities further exacerbate vulnerabilities. Almost one third of European women have experienced physical violence and / or sexualized violence over their lifetime by an intimate partner. Being attacked and abused by an intimate partner destroys not only the integrity of the body and soul, but also trust in life itself, in others and in one's own abilities. 

How does violence intertwine with economic structures, social identities, and structural inequalities? What insights can we gather from these dynamics to understand violence? This chapter explores these questions, unraveling the complexities of violence and advocating for nuanced perspectives to understand its pervasive impact on macro, meso and micro level of societies.

Definitions

StoP responds to the social problem of gender-based violence and focuses on domestic violence. The specific terms used to refer to gender-based violence reflect changes in academic and public discourse and different approaches, attitudes, and critiques of the issue. The term domestic violence refers to violence perpetrated in the context of intimate couple relationships and/or intergenerational violence within a family (Council of Europe 2011, Istanbul Convention). Domestic violence can be defined as systemic violence in a relationship used to gain and keep control and power over another person. It is not a one-time event and can include physical, sexual, emotional, psychological, and technical or financial abuse (Council of the European Union 2024, Goodey 2017, WHO 2024). The term gender-based violence marks that this abuse is not caused by the personality and behavior of the individual involved but is rooted in society' (Hagemann-White 1997: 19), an understanding that originated with and was shaped by the second women's movement. The women's movement first made male violence against women a public and therefore political issue in the 1970s. The establishment of legal reforms and state-funded support measures, as well as increasing cooperation between women's projects and public authorities, gradually led to re-framing feminist insights and ideas in a more generalized discourse.

“But this issue affects EVERYONE. Even if it's an older woman who hasn't experienced violence, it could be her daughter or her niece or her grandchild who has this problem. Or if it's a young woman, it doesn't necessarily affect her, but it affects her friend.”

StoP Activist
StoP Activist

Domestic violence and intimate partner violence are now often used synonymously. Although an achievement of the women movement, the terms have been criticized for not naming their gendered dimension. Using the term “domestic” violence can suggest that it is that domestic and a private affair. Hagemann White coined the term “gendered violence” to characterize “any violation of a person's physical and psychological integrity that is related to the gender of the victim or perpetrator and is inflicted by the structurally stronger person by exploiting a power relationship” (Hagemann-White 1997: 22). This definition also provides for different dimensions of violence. It includes interpersonal violence, which can be expressed physically but also emotionally, and indirect, structural violence. Gender relations refer to the social situation of duality, interplay and dependency related to gender. These relations are formed by attitudes, norms and attributes connected to the concept of “gender”. These relationships tend to be hierarchical, binary, and unequal. Because of the unequal distribution of property, income, work, political power, and symbolic capital according to gender, the “structurally stronger” are usually men or people attributed as male. However, the definition avoids the trap of gendered binaries, as it is equally applicable to the situation between a white, wealthy German woman and an undocumented, black, destitute man, or a non-binary and a cisgender person. Further Hagemann-Whites definition allows us to regard violence through action theory, emphasizing choice, personal responsibility, and accountability on the perpetrators side. 

Gendered violence

When StoP talks about domestic violence, we refer to violence between adults who are in a close social relationship, and which – in its severe and diverse forms – affects women. The term “domestic violence” was deliberately chosen to stand for the most generic form. Violence against women is the focus of StoP's work – this includes all women, regardless of whether woman is understood as a self-determined, constructed gender or as the gender assigned at birth. 

This is the focus of StoP. Without creating hierarchies of victims – every victim of violence is one too many! Non-binary, queer people who are also affected by domestic and patriarchal violence are also StoPs target group. 

We believe that StoP's neighborhood work and our commitment to promoting gender equality promote non-violence and better coexistence in general. We also welcome people and organizations working on violence in other areas – only together can we change society. That is why StoP encourages men to support men and to work towards ending violence. 

Interdisciplinary approach

StoP understands gender, in opposition to sex, both as a social construct and a social reality. On the one hand, gender is identitarian and physically more diverse than the gender binary suggests. On the other hand, the categories of man and woman are still of fundamental importance today: a) as social structural categories (analytically, politically and in terms of social placement), and b) in relation to the individual self-image of most people in neighborhoods, communities, and villages. It is therefore a complex double movement of deconstruction and recognition. While men have a higher prevalence of experiencing physical violence, it is mostly by the hand of other men. However, domestic violence also affects men and boys (BMSFJ 2004b). 

Forms, prevalence and patterns

Violence against women has physical, sexual, psychological, economic and social dimensions. Physical violence includes hitting, pushing, slapping, throwing objects at the partner, stabbing, burning, strangulation, and even attempted or committed murder. Psychological/emotional violence aims to damage the partner's self-esteem through verbal abuse and acts of power/control. Sexual violence is any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, or other act directed against a person’s sexuality using coercion (WHO 2024). Domestic violence is a cross-cutting issue in many socioeconomic, religious, and cultural communities. Economically, men exercise violence, for example, by restricting the household income or prohibiting or controlling paid work and socially, by deliberately isolating women, locking them up, prohibiting contact or intimidating acquaintances and friends of the woman. Forms of indirect violence include, for example, persistent wage inequality and gendered division of labor and even gendered, androcentric language patterns (Mazurana/McKay 2001, WHO 2024). Increasingly we see violence in online environments (FRA 2024). Cyber Violence against women has many forms – from cyber stalking, cyber harassment or trolling, doxing, non-consensual intimate image abuse, digital voyeurism, sextortion to identity theft or using and controlling functions of smart home to lock-in or torture (heater, sound systems) or for surveillance (i.e. cameras in home appliances). Violence against women is a social problem of epidemic proportions in many societies (WHO 2024). Research suggests that no racial, ethnic, or socio-economic group is immune. Globally as many as 38% of all murders of women are committed by intimate partners. International findings on the prevalence of femicide, show that homicides by (ex-)partners in heterosexual relationships account for the majority of femicides (for the UK Dobash & Dobash, 2015; for Germany Leuschner & Rausch, 2022. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) highlights that intentional homicide perpetrated by intimate partners or family members is the most common form of femicide. German police statistics for 2023 show that, while more than two thirds of homicide victims were male, the proportion of female victims of homicide in partnerships was 80,2 (BKA, 2024). Almost every day a woman is murdered by her (ex-)partner in Germany (BKA 2024). Almost one third of European women have experienced physical violence and / or sexualized violence over their lifetime by an intimate partner. This violence starts early, affecting adolescent girls and young women (FRA 2024). In many cases, violence is perpetrated by male relatives, intimate partners or acquaintances of the victim. The first representative nationwide survey in Germany (BMFSJ 2004) showed that every second to third woman (37% of the respondents) had experienced physical violence or assault after the age of 16. Almost one in seven had experienced sexual violence as defined by the criminal law, i.e. rape, attempted rape and sexual assault using threats or physical coercion. A total of 42% of the women surveyed had experienced forms of psychological violence. Women of all ages and social backgrounds were affected. In 99% of cases the perpetrator of intimate partner violence was a man. Most women were victims of violence more than once in their relationship: 36% reported 2 to 10 incidents and a further 33% reported 10 to over 40 incidents. In total, 64% of women said they had suffered physical injury. The study also notes that women experience violence from men not only in relationships, but also in institutions such as prisons or refugee centers. These results are supported by European numbers. According to the European Eurostat FRA Study one woman in three European has experienced physical and/or sexual violence since she was 15. Out of all women who have a (current or previous) partner, 17,7% have experienced physical and/ or sexual violence. If psychological violence is included, the lifetime prevalence increases to 31, 8% (FRA 2024, 20) (FRA 2024). Women with disabilities are at greater risk to be victimized by domestic violence (Garciá-Cuéllar 2023). The children of abused women are directly or indirectly affected by violence. According to a North American study, in 70% of cases where women were victims of intimate partner violence, the children also suffered violence that increased with the severity of the mother’s abuse (cf. Logar 2000: 175. Carlson et al 2020) showed that households reporting domestic violence are also more likely to report violence against children. Witnessing violence between adults directly impacts children too (Hale et al. 2024). 

Prevalence

Teenage and young women are at a considerably elevated risk of experiencing violence in comparison to older women. The phenomenon of gender-based violence within teenage relationships is examined as part of the broader field of teen dating violence (TDV), which encompasses the various forms of violence that occur within the context of a teenage relationship, whether past or present. While some studies have indicated the presence of bidirectional dynamics within TDV, it is evident that girls tend to withstand the worst of the psychological and physical consequences, and they represent most victims of sexual violence (Quiones/Navarro 2022). Teen or Adolescent dating violence (ADV) is highly prevalent with serious impacts, with more grave consequences for females (Tarquette/Monteiro 2019).

Gendered violence predominantly affects heterosexual couples, yet in a comparative study, the Williams Institute found that bisexual and lesbian women report even higher rates of domestic violence. One third of lesbian women who have experienced physical violence and abuse report one or more male perpetrators. Bisexual men are more likely to report domestic violence, while hetero men in relationships tend not to. Studies suggest that transgender people may face similar, if not higher, levels of domestic violence than sexual minority men or women and cisgender people (Brown et al. 2015, p.3). 

The concept of intersectionality and the interconnections of discrimination are a limitation to most prevalence studies on violence. Indeed, the very definitions of race and ethnicity are often problematic. Different ethnic groups are often lumped into a single category, such as “refugees”, or the patterns of a single group are generalized. Thus, studies on domestic violence among minority populations are often incomplete, precluding meaningful generalizations, and experiences of undocumented women are often excluded (Alhabib 2010, Monterrosa 2021). Research in this field has been growing however (Sokoloff 2005 Thiara et al 2011, Rehmann et al 2013).

Limitations

In recent years there has also been an increasing debate about men as victims of female violence, and some have questioned whether the number of female victims of male violence is so much higher than the number of male victims of female violence. At the same time male victims of domestic violence tend to be less visible in society than female victims. Partly, because violence against men may not be seen as severe as violence against women and because men suffer from different forms of domestic violence than women (Machado 2020, Walker et al. 2020). In addition, there are still strong barriers for (male and female) victims to report their experiences and get help. Studies have found prevalence rates ranging from 3.4% to 20.3% for domestic physical violence against men. 10.6–40% of them reported having been abused or maltreated as children. There seems to be a lack of recognition of male victims of domestic violence, that perpetuates domestic violence against men and boys and likely places victims and their children at additional risk (Machado 2020, Walker et al. 2020). It should be noted that studies quoted used different survey instruments and threshold values for the presence of psychological violence, which can contribute to differences in prevalence. This limits the comparability of the study results from different studies. Further, surveys may not measure the actual number of women who have been abused, but rather, the number of women who are willing to disclose abuse. A recent comprehensive study from Germany on the extent to which men are affected by violence in relationships perpetrated by women shows that men substantially experience violence (Schemmel et al. 2024). However, it appears that only an extremely small number of those surveyed had been exposed to systematic and regular violence, i.e. the majority of experiences of violence were rather isolated and presumably occurred in the context of isolated, escalated conflicts. Moreover, serious acts of violence were generally reported less frequently than less serious ones (ibd: 187). Violence against women clearly predominates in terms of frequency and severity or in the case of sexual assault. This research and the other studies mentioned also found, that most of the men had themselves been violent towards their female partners. The predominant, albeit well-founded, perception of men as perpetrators obscures the fact that men are often victims of physical, psychological and sexual violence in everyday life, in war and in prison (cf. BMFSJ 2004, BKA 2024). The denial of male experiences of victimization reinforces a one-dimensional image of men and thus also makes it more difficult for men to actively take up the reduction of violence as their own concern. The prevalence of violence against men and the risk factors for it should be studied more. It would be desirable to develop preventive measures and to make special help available to the men concerned (Kolbe et.al 2020).

Violence against men

The “typical” perpetrator of violence does not exist. Violence is perpetrated by men all over the world, of all classes, backgrounds and status, although the World Health Organization states that “Factors associated with increased risk of experiencing intimate partner and sexual violence include low education, exposure to violence between parents, abuse during childhood, attitudes accepting violence and gender inequality.” However, in the nationally representative study in Germany, two thirds of the partners who used violence were employed and well educated, and no significant correlations were found between education and violence, nor between income and violence (cf. BMFSFJ 2004a, ibid.). As far as the level of education is concerned, the current prevalence study shows a slightly higher level of education among victimized women than among the average women surveyed (BMFSFJ 2004a: 21). 

Perpetrators

Dynamics

There is no typical pattern of violence in intimate relationships, no identifiable phases that can guide intervention. Abuse takes different forms and courses: For some, the first act of physical violence is a shock and crosses an invisible line, followed by apologies, regrets or reconciliation. With others, expressing anger or dealing with conflict physically may be seen as a part of normal family life, described as arising from specific conflicts. Women as well as men can physically assault their partners, and violence occurs in same-sex couples. Such violence does not always increase over time, but when abuse becomes more frequent until hurtful or humiliating acts are happening repeatedly or even “all the time”, it has become an ongoing abusive relationship, characterized by a mixture of actions aimed at coercion and increasingly underpinned by fear. Physical or emotional attacks are then interspersed with surveillance; control and domination, maintained through tactics such as social isolation, frightening threats, insults and ridicule.

A growing body of population-based research now recognizes a broad division between situational violence, in which some couples deal with conflict, and coercive control, “defined as an ongoing pattern of domination by which male abusive partners interweave repeated physical and sexual violence with intimidation, sexual degradation, isolation and control. The primary outcome of coercive control is a condition of entrapment.” Coercive control is “gendered” because it is used to secure male privilege and its regime of domination/subordination is constructed around the enforcement of gender stereotypes (Stark 2012, p.7). 

Coercive control

“I had a very young neighbour who had experienced partner violence at the hands of her husband, and I used to see her standing in the doorway, terrified, not daring to go outside.”

StoP Activist
StoP Activist

Note that situational violence also draws on gender-based social norms as both a motive and a justification for expectations, demands or reproaches. If the circumstances – unequal power or resources, for example – support this, occasional or situational violations may give way to establishing coercive control within the relationship, and these inequalities have roots in the gender identity, socialization and life experience of women and men. As Kristin Anderson has pointed out: “The doing of gender involves rituals that position men as dominant and women as subservient, and this facilitates men’s ability to control women… Through the sexual division of labor, occupational sex segregation, unequal earnings for similar jobs, and the assignment of caregiving tasks and responsibility, society uses gender to organize daily life and to construct gender differences” (Anderson 2009, p.1448–1449). 

Thus, both coercive control and situational violence draw on cultural traditions that shape common sense ideas about what is natural or normal for women or for men and for an intimate relationship. Even when partners see themselves as equal, despite some angry fights where and one or the other occasionally resorts to slaps or punches, threats or insults to win an argument, the social norms for masculinity and femininity can pave the way to an increasingly one-sided imbalance and then to a situation that has been called intimate terrorism. This is similar with same-sex couples, although studies have also found significant differences in coercive control dynamics (for example in the kinds of abuses) that distinguish male homosexual from lesbian couples (Stark & Hester 2019, p.86–87). 

Gendered violence is increasingly being examined with large data sets, and quantitative research is shifting from counting single violent acts or incidents to a person-centered approach that seeks to capture how victimized women experience violence in the context of their lives (Davies et al 2015). The German representative survey found that 74% of those women who had experienced physical or sexual violence by a partner resulting in injuries had never sought advice or help. Their main reasons not to contact any helping agency was that the women thought the violence had not been serious enough to justify this, because they didn’t see themselves as victims, or because they felt ashamed to admit that this has happened to them – to report the violence would mean that she had failed (Gig-net 2008).

By clustering items in the national UK crime survey that asked no only about acts, but also about their impact, Andy Myhill (2015) found that almost 30% of women who had experienced any form of domestic violence were also subjected to coercive control, with abuse that was ongoing, denigrating, perceived as threatening, and had caused a degree of fear, where of all men reporting DV, only 6% described coercive control. This confirms the gendered character of coercive control. Comparing data from the 28-country European Survey in 2012, which asked women about their experiences of physical, sexual, and psychological abuse and control, sexual harassment; stalking; and experiences of violence in childhood, Sami Navala (2017) found that in countries where the level of gender equality is estimated as high, women indicated relatively low levels of coercive control by an intimate partner. However, women who had experienced high levels of psychological abuse and control (i.e., coercive control) reported higher levels of physical violence. On average, 12% of women in the EU had experienced less severe physical violence by their partner, while 8% of women reported severe physical violence by a partner since the age of 15. However, out of those who had experienced coercive control (measured by clusters that reflect high levels of psychological abuse), 32% had experienced less severe forms of physical violence, and 23% had experienced severe forms of physical violence. Thus, psychological and physical violence seem to be linked even in countries with successful equality policies (Navala 2017). In a relationship characterized by coercion and control, the triggers of violence can be varied and difficult to predict in their arbitrariness, which means constant insecurity and tension for the women. Almost any unfulfilled expectation in everyday life, whether it concerns child rearing, household management, the choice of what to watch on TV or a perceived lack of attention, can lead to outbursts of anger and violence (cf. Brückner 2002: 68). The dominant partner lays down rules, and violence aims at controlling and/or enforcing certain behavior, such as deciding what the woman reads, when she goes to the toilet, when she goes to bed or what she wears, whom she meets, when and whether she leaves the house and must return. Most women report a constant fear, due also to the unpredictability of the occasions and the severity of the attacks. Women who are leaving or planning to leave their partner are particularly at risk. (Anderson/Saunders 2003, BMFSFJ 2004a: 20). Living with the constant fear of abuse leads to social isolation, distancing her from social interaction, prohibiting her to reach out to family, friends or even work (Netto et al. 2017). Nini described this as a vicious circle: the possibility of getting help from acquaintances is increasingly limited. In addition, “the woman cannot correct her own perceptions (...) without talking to others. There is no one to correct her self-reproach and contradict her tendency to excuse the man. The woman goes round in circles: feelings of inferiority and shame at her own failure are reinforced, leading to even greater isolation” (Nini et al. 1995: 36). This makes it difficult to seek advice or help and even more so to leave the abusive partner (Dziewa/Glowacz 2022).

“I am lazy. I am stupid. I'm a terrible wife. And what's worse, what's worst of all, I'm a lousy mother. I'm a bitch. An embarrassment. I am a joke! Except that the man screaming in the hallway of our flat, standing in front of me in his shorts, can't laugh at me, or: can't laugh at me any more. I've taken him so far, I've taken him too far! Don't I understand anything, am I incapable of learning, can't my little brain understand anything? I'm a stupid cunt! He's had enough! Nobody can stand me. Not even a willing, patient person like him. He shouts what he always shouts: ‘You push me to the limit, you bring out the worst in me!’ And I know what I always know to be true. Everything he says is true. Always.”

To be attacked and abused by the person with whom you expect to have an intimate relationship, in your own home, which symbolizes protection and security, is an overwhelming experience. It destroys the certainty of the person's inviolability, the integrity of the body, and the controllability of life and the trust in others and one's own abilities. Processes of leaving and dealing with violence may seem paradoxical but must be understood in their complexity. The constant threat of violence disrupts structural functioning and increases psychological conflict of the victims. There may be an ongoing interplay of threat, isolation, violence and remorse, reconciliation and love, fear of losing status, appeals to compassion, willingness to change, while the wish for a complete family makes it difficult for women to name the mechanisms of domination (Sellach 2000: 168). In addition, the abusive, hurtful and controlling behavior of the perpetrator may be complemented by increasing passivity on the part of the woman: “The man becomes more and more certain that nothing will happen to him, and that the woman will not leave him, while the woman feels more and more trapped in the relationship, loses her self-confidence and feels unable to act independently. Fear dominates everyday life and survival seems to depend on maintaining or pretending to maintain normality.” (Brückner 2002: 26).

Effects

The effects of violence must be considered to understand why women stay in violent relationships. 

People enter close relationships with a personal life history in their families and communities as well as a wealth of social and cultural images of what such a relationship could or ideally should be like. Experiencing either physical or sexual violence during childhood, especially if they were not believed or supported at the time, increases the later risk. Data from the FRA survey “show a strong relation between repetitive experiences of violence in childhood and exposure to intimate partner violence in later life. The strongest relationship with physical violence in intimate partnerships can be observed with respect to repetitive exposure to psychological violence in childhood” (Till-Tentschert 2017: 1883). Note, however, that quite high proportions of women in the European survey said that they had experienced physical abuse as a child only once or never. In a person-oriented study of women in a community who had recently left an abusive partner, two of the four subgroups had little experiences of being abused as a child, while for over half of all the women there was a strong prehistory of childhood experience of violence (Davies et al 2015). While childhood exposure to violence does not predetermine later victimization, the fact that children unavoidably witness the abuse of their mothers in the home, points to the harm that coercive control and domestic abuse harm society beyond the personal history of the couple. Awareness of the harm to the children can stand in the way of, or work towards, attempts to leave the abuser. Violence has a physical impact in the form of injuries, such as bruises, lacerations, fractures, as well as functional impairment and even permanent disability and death. Psychosomatic consequences include chronic pain syndromes, irritable bowel syndrome and gastrointestinal disorders (Brzank 2009 p.331). Health-endangering (survival) strategies such as smoking, alcohol and drug use or high-risk sexual behavior should also be mentioned. All forms of violence have significant psychological effects. These include post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, anxiety, sleep disorders, panic attacks, eating disorders, feelings of shame and guilt, loss of self-esteem and self-worth, which can even lead to (attempted) suicide. Traumatization is determined by a “falling out of normality” and a feeling of not belonging (World Health Organization 2012, cf. Van der Kolk 2015, Mukhtar 2023). 

“My mother was almost beaten to death by my father. Like this. My sister died in the womb because of it.”

StoP activist 
StoP activist 

In addition to the health consequences, women face other pressures. Some women lose their jobs either due to frequent illness or because their husbands will not let them go. In the event of separation, they often leave their familiar social environment out of fear of the abuser or by fleeing to a women's shelter. A 2024 conducted study by the California Partnership to End Domestic Violence found that 57% of women who are homeless cited domestic violence as the primary reason for their homelessness. This percentage escalates to a staggering 80% if the woman has a child in her care (Blueshield 2024). Women who have worked as stay-at-home spouses lose their economic livelihood. After separation, they often end up on welfare. Violence against women therefore always means a risk of poverty for those affected. They often must start all over again, make countless visits to the authorities and run errands, move house, change kindergartens, and retrain. Brzank states that the burden domestic violence places “for following generations becomes obvious, including the consequences for family and social relationship structures, for victims’ occupational situations, productivity loss, high risk for poverty, homelessness and the interdependencies on health status” (Brzank 2009 p.333). Women without independent residence status must deal with immigration authorities and are at risk of deportation, making them vulnerable to stay in violent relationships with high dependency. 

Male violence also has a significant economic cost to society. The handbook “Parliaments United in Combating Domestic Violence against Women” of the Council of Europe assumes an average value of about 40 Euros per capita and year (Hagemann-White, Kaltenbrink, Rabe 2006). For the Federal Republic of Germany, the consequential costs of male violence thus amount to approximately 14.5 billion euros per year.

Interdependancies
“A lot of people don't really open up because they feel ashamed. Especially in the case of women, they are ashamed that they have a violent husband. And that they don't want to talk about it. And they don't dare, and then they are labelled as victims, or weak, or something else. And above all, a lot of people are made to believe that they deserve it and that it's their own fault.”
StoP activist 

Links

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EXPLORE THE NEXT SUBCHAPTERS
Domestic Violence

Explanations

What are the causes?
What are the social structures supporting it?
What has love got to do with it? 

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Domestic Violence

Interventions

What has been done so far?
What kind of support has been implemented?
What (international) conventions are in place?

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